Is this 1990 redux? Will there be another betrayal of the sacrifice of the Nepalese people by Girija, Deuba, Makune et. al. in their haste to grab and misuse power? I won't be surprised if these greedy-corrupt so-called leaders become the pawns of the palace intrigue again. We'll see if my suspicion comes to fruition when Gyane makes his New Year speech later this week. It is very unfortunate that Nepal does not have Mandela-like strong, unifying, reputable, self-sacrificing leader at this time of need. May be Nepal does not deserve it, at least at this particular time :(

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[From April 9, 2004 Kantipur....]

The 1990 movement and betrayal
Vidhu Prakash Kayastha

Last Monday, April 4, 2004,Peter Karthak and I closed our day’s work an hour earlier than usual in order to participate in a programme hosted by Himal Association at Patandhoka. There, a book, Janata Jaageka Bela, the Nepali version of Kathmandu Spring: The People’s Movement of 1990 written by Kiyoko Ogura, a Japanese journalist, was released. It was a small gathering attended by a section of intelligentsia of the Kathmandu valley.
After we reached Patandhoka, I recollected the uprising of 1980, which was settled after the historic referendum. Although, as many believed, the referendum was rigged by the government, which was also headed by Surya Bahadur Thapa, the incumbent Prime Minister, B P Koirala accepted ‘the people’s verdict’. From 1980-1990, Nepal went through two general elections where adult franchise was exercised. Nepal had three ‘elected’ PMs during this period. There was also an interim PM who oversaw the second general election under the party-less Panchayat system. Although BP Koirala accepted the verdict of the referendum, the people once again rose against the establishment and finally buried the Panchayat system in 1990.

The book, in the words of the author, projected only a small portion of records of the people’s movement. The movement, as claimed by the political parties, was the ultimate result of their struggle against the Panchayat system. No doubt, it was part of the fact. The larger part of the fact was that their struggle never gained momentum until the locals of the valley came out from their houses and faced bullets. More than three dozens locals of the valley, most of whom had nothing to do with party-politics, laid their lives for the cause of democracy.

Ogura said it was a coincident that the book was released at a time when the movement against the establishment is once again going on. The on-going movement lacks people’s participation whereas, as she prudently pointed out, the local people of the valley led the movement of 1990.

The book mentions how the women of the Newar community extended their moral support to the demonstrators offering them red tika on their foreheads. Now the support is missing and so is the tika. Surprisingly, the people noticed tika on the forehead of one person among the demonstrators. The man with the big red tika was none other than Govinda Raj Joshi, the joint general secretary of the Nepali Congress, who is facing legal cases for amassing wealth while in office as minister. And it is understandable that he certainly did not receive tika from people for his ‘achievements’ in the last 14 years.

The organizers had invited two intellectuals — Dr Mahesh Maske and Narahari Acharya — as speakers, on the occasion. Acharya spoke little on the book and more on the values and norms of democracy whereas Dr Maske, who along with Acharya played a crucial role to mobilize professionals in the movement, told the audience some of the important events of the movement. The audience understood the depth of his sarcastic but indirect remarks on the political leaders who enjoyed and misused the power betraying the people’s aspirations. Acharya, who himself enjoyed power as member of parliament and a minister, carefully kept himself away from the subject relating to the betrayal and ‘achievements’ of the leaders in the last 14 years.

The book has also recorded the conflict of interest among the leaders who went to the Royal Palace. The restlessness of Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Girija Prasad Koirala, who went to the Royal Palace along with Sahana Pradhan and R.K. Mainali, was quite visible and they had compromised with the King who wanted to retain the Panchayat System by removing its ‘infamous’ adjective ‘party-less’. When Bhattarai expressed his inability to tell the King that he opposed the Royal design, Sahana herself plainly explained the King that the mandate of people’s movement was in favour of a multi-party democracy and by no means they would have a coalition with the Panchayat system. However, the Royal Proclamation of Chaitra 26, 2046 indicated that there would be both the Panchayat System and party politics in the country. In the live TV interview minutes after the Royal Proclamation, Bhattarai declared that the movement has come to an end. A controversy sparked off within the political parties on the nature of negotiations between their representatives and the palace. Ganeshman Singh, the supreme commander of the movement, refused to recognize the Royal Proclamation and refused to meet the King unless he declared a multi-party democracy, revoking the Panchayat system. The King, on Baishakh 3, 2047, agreed the terms and conditions of Singh and invited him to head the government. But Singh recommended Bhattarai for the post of PM of the interim government. In fact, it was Singh, and not the King, who appointed the PM. The Girija faction was disappointed with Singh’s decision. And thus began the legacy of intra-party betrayal.

Any sane person will come to a conclusion that people and country are the ultimate victims of the betrayal in the last 14 years. It is now for Ogura to complete her duty of recording the history of the period of betrayal. It would be more appropriate if she brings out such works at present when the movement is once again going on. One crucial factor is that the sacrifice of three dozen martyrs ushered in democracy in the country, but the country has already lost more than 10,000 people after the re-emergence of democracy. Who is responsible for the loss? The detailed account of the last 14 years will certainly point out the responsible factors that brought the country to the present state of the middle of nowhere.

(The writer can be reached at vidhu@mail.com.np)