Rajeev Gandhi & 1987 economic sanctions on NEPAL smile emoticon
भारतले २०४५ सालमा पनि नेपाल माथि आर्थिक नाकावन्दी लगाएको थियो । त्यो बेला भारतमा प्रधानमन्त्री राजीव गान्धी थिए भने नेपालमा राजा वीरेन्द्रको शासन थियो र दलहरु माथि प्रतिवन्ध सहितको निर्दलीय पञ्चायती व्यवस्था थियो तथा प्रधानमन्त्री मरिचमान सिंह थिए ।
२०४४ सालमा भारतको मेघालयवाट त्यहाँ सदियौं देखि बसोबास गर्दै आएका नेपालीहरुलाई लखेट्ने अभियान चल्यो । त्यहाँवाट ज्यान जोगाएर भागेका ती नेपालीहरु हजारौंको संख्यामा नेपाल आइपुगेपछि नेपालीहरुमा भारतीय सत्ता प्रति थप अाक्राेस उत्पन्न भयो र राजधानी लगायत देशका विभिन्न ठाउँहरुमा भारतीय सत्ताका साथै नेपालको पञ्चायती व्यवस्थाका विरुद्ध प्रदर्शनहरु भए ।
२०४५ भदौमा नेपालले चीनवाट साना हतियारहरु तथा विमानभेदी बन्दुकहरु (एण्टी एअर क्राफ्ट गन) खरिद गरि तातोेपानी नाकाबाट नेपाल भित्र्यायो । मुख्यत यो घटनावाट भारत सरकार चिढियो । भारत सरकारले यसको विरोधमा कुटनैतिक रुपमा गम्भीर विरोध र आपत्ती प्रकट गर्‍यो । तर नेपालले ल्याइसकेको हतियार फिर्ता गर्ने कुरा थिएन । भारतले आगामी दिनमा त्यस्तो नगर्ने प्रतिवद्धता खोज्यो तर नेपालले अस्वीकार गर्‍यो ।

भारतले सन् १९५० को नेपाल भारत सन्धीको हवाला दिंदै भारतसँग नसोधी अर्को देशवाट यस्तो हतियार किन्न नसक्ने दावी ग¥यो । तर नेपालले पनि त्यो सन्धीमा त्यस्तो किटानी नभएको जनायो । उक्त सन्धीको धारा ५ मा नेपालले भारतको बाटो भएर नेपालको सुरक्षाको लागि चाहिने हातहतियार ल्याउन सकिने कुरा उल्लेख छ तर अर्को वाटो प्रयोग गर्न पाइन्न भन्ने उल्लेख छैन ।
साथै सो सन्धीसँगै नेपाल भारतबीच आदानप्रदान गरिएका पत्रहरुमा उल्लेख भएको नेपालले भारतीय भूमिबाट हातहतियार ल्याउन परेमा भारत सरकारको सहमति र सल्लाहमा मात्र ल्याउन सक्ने भन्ने बुँदालाई पनि भारतले आधार बनाएको थियो । तर नेपालले सो बँुदामा चीनको वाटो भएर हतियार ल्याउन नपाइने कुरा नरहेको दावी गर्‍यो जुन सहि थियो ।
तर २०२१ साल माघ १७ गते भएको नेपाल भारत गोप्य सन्धीमा नेपाललाई भारतले मात्र हतियार आपुर्ति गर्ने बुँदा छ भन्ने भारत सरकारको भनाइलाई भने तात्कालीन पञ्च नेताहरु र देशभक्त भनिने राजा वीरेन्द्रले पनि खण्डन गर्ने हिम्मत गरेनन् र सो सन्धी सार्वजनिक गर्ने हिम्मत पनि गरेनन् । सो गोप्य सन्धी देश भक्त भनिने राजा महेन्द्रले भारतसँग गरेका थिए । भनिन्छ कि सो सन्धी भारतले नेपालमा प्रतिवन्धित दलहरुलाई सहयोग नगर्ने सर्तमा महेन्द्रले भारतसँग गरेका थिए ।
त्यसपछि भारतले अर्को कदम चाल्यो । नेपाल भारतबीच अलग अलग व्यापार सन्धी र पारवहन सन्धी थियो । भारतले यसैबेला व्यापार तथा पारवहन सन्धी संयुक्त अर्थात एउटै गर्ने प्रस्ताव अघि सा¥यो ।
तर नेपालले भने संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको महासन्धी अनुसार भूपरिवेष्ठित मुलुकले स्वतः पारवहन सुविधा पाउनु पर्ने अन्तराट्रिय मान्यता अनुसार अलग अलग व्यापार र पारवहन सन्धी नै कायम गर्न पर्ने तर्क अघि सा¥यो । तर भारतले यसलाई अस्वीकार गरेर चैत्र १० गते २०४५ सालमा सकिएको पारवहन सन्धीलाई नवीकरण गर्न मानेन । जबकी यो सन्धी प्रत्येक ५ वर्षमा नवीकरण हुँदै आएको थियो ।
यसपछि सुरु भयो भारतको नाकावन्दी । नेपालले भारतबाट डिजेल पेट्रोल खाद्यान्न औषधी आदि केही पनि ल्याउन दिइएन । नेपाल भारत खुल्ला सीमानाका कारण भारतले सीमानामा हुने व्यापार पुरै रोक्न सकेन र कालो बजारी निकै फस्टायो । तर सामान अति कम मात्र आउने, तथा अति चर्को मूल्यमा विक्री हुने गर्दा नेपालीले नून तेल चिनी औषधी आदि कै ठूलो समस्या बेहोर्न पर्‍यो ।
सरकारले हवाइजहाजवाट समेत सामान केही ढुवानी गर्ने प्रयास पनि गर्‍यो तर यो निकै महंगो थियो । तातोपानी नाकावाट सबै सामान ल्याउन त्यो बेला सम्भव थिएन । तर पनि १३ महिना सम्म नेपालले त्यसवेला भारतीय नाकावन्दी झेल्न वाध्य भयो ।
यसको सकारात्म पक्ष पनि रह्यो । यस नाकावन्दीले गर्दा नेपालमा पंञ्चायती व्यवस्थाको वदलामा बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्रको स्थापनाको आन्दोलनमा सहयोग पुग्यो । फागुन ७ गते २०४५ सालवाट सुरु भएको संयुक्त जनआन्दोलनले पञ्चायती व्यवस्था समाप्त गर्दै बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्रको स्थापना गर्‍यो र कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराई अन्तरिम सरकारको प्रधानमन्त्री भएपछि मात्र २०४७ बैशाखमा भारतले नाकावन्दी हटायो ।
अहिलेको राजनैतिक माहोल भने २०४५ सालको जस्तो छैन । भारतले तराई मधेशका जिल्लाहरुको मात्र अलग प्रदेश वनाउने मधेशवादी दलहरुको मागलाइ समर्थन गरिरहेको छ र त्यसको कार्यान्वयनको लागि नाकावन्दीको धम्की दिइरहेको छ । यस मागलाई बहुसंख्यक नेपालीको समर्थन छैन र मधेशकै बहुसंख्यक जनताको पनि समर्थन छैन । त्यो वेलाको पञ्चायती व्यवस्थालाई भरपर्दो जनसमर्थन थिएन तर अहिलेको गणतान्त्रिक व्यवस्थालाई बहुसंख्यक जनताको समर्थन छ ।
त्यो बेला दलहरुलाई नाकावन्दीले सहयोग नै गरेको थियो भने अहिले तीन ठूला दलहरु मात्र होइन कि वैद्य र विप्लव माओवादी समेतले पनि र अरु दलहरुले पनि भारतीय नाकावन्दीको विरोध गर्ने छन् ।
यस्तो भएतापनि नेपालको आन्तरिक मामलालाई नेपाली दलहरुले नै समाधान गर्न ठूला दलहरु पनि आवश्यक लचिलो भएर असन्तुष्ट दलहरुसँग वार्ता गर्नु पर्दछ र विदेशी हस्तक्षेपका विरुद्ध एक भएर लाग्ने वातावरण वनाउनु पर्दछ ।
साथै भारतले कथंकदाचित नाकावन्दी गरिहाले नेपालमा आत्मनिर्भर स्वाधिन आर्थिक विकासको माहोल बनाउन सरकारमा रहेका दलहरुले आर्थिक क्रान्तिकाे ठोस योजना तत्काल वनाउनु पर्दछ र बृहत जनपरिचालन गर्नु पर्दछ । बेलायतको उपनिवेश रहेको अमेरिकाले पनि बेलायती नाकावन्दी कै विरुद्ध लामो संघर्ष गरेर आर्थिक विकासको ढोका खोलेको थियो
The declaration
Nepal's Constituent Assembly has said that it will remain a secular state
But it adds that secularism means protection of Sanatana Dharma
This amounts to declaring Nepal a Hindu State by stealth
Nepal used to be the only Hindu nation in the world
Drafters of the constitution felt that secularism alienates the dominant Hindus
The players
Rashtriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal was the only party that stood for a Hindu Rashtra
Nepali Congress realised that many of its supporters also favoured it
Even Communist Party of Nepal (UML)'s base comprises priests and Brahmins
Madheshi parties have reservations on the matter

On 14 September 2015, the Constituent Assembly of in Kathmandu retained the provision of the Interim Constitution that Nepal shall remain a secular state. However, the new constitution adds that secularism shall mean the protection of Sanatana Dharma and religious and cultural freedom.

Nepal was once the only Hindu kingdom in the world, but now it is one of the youngest federal, democratic republics.

The supreme law of the land decrees that "secularism" shall no longer stand for matters that are not related to religious, sacred, or spiritual affairs. On the contrary, it will specifically obligate the state to protect Sanatana Dharma. This seems to be a declaration of a Hindu State by stealth. After all, the term Hindu is merely a Western invention for the group of faiths that were once collectively known as Sanatana Dharma.

The build-up
Politics over the statute's language had begun during the elections to the second constituent assembly in November 2013. Nepal has a mixed electoral system. Voters vote not just for the candidate from their constituency but also for a party. Each party then nominates representatives to the legislature in proportion to the votes obtained.

The monarchist Rashtriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal was the only party in the fray that advocated a Hindu Rashtra. Unsure of its chances, the party came up with a dual approach that urged voters to vote for the candidate of their choice in direct category but cast the party vote in its favour. As a result, it emerged as the fourth largest party in the legislature on the basis of proportional representation even though it failed to get a single candidate elected directly. The RPP-Nepal continues to insist that the status of Hindu state be restored in the new statute.

Religious proselytisation may be banned in the name of protecting Sanatana Dharma

Nepali Congress is the oldest and largest party in the constituent assembly and it currently heads the government with Sushil Koirala as Prime Minister. It had advocated for constitutional monarchy for so long in the past that a sizable section of its supporters continue to be closet monarchists, reluctant republicans and openly religious.

A powerful politician of Nepali Congress Khum Bahadur Khadka has been consistently campaigning for a Hindu Rashtra with the help of a few Swamis and Yogis. This was before he was convicted for corruption.

Who stands where
Scion of the Koirala clan and an up-and-coming politico, Shekhar Koirala recognised that the Hindutva constituency within his own Nepali Congress party was quite strong. He introduced an independent member's amendment bill that Nepal be re-declared a Hindu state. He must have been given some assurances for him to withdraw his proposal at the last moment.

Hindu priests and the Brahmin petty bourgeoisie form the main support base of Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), despite its name. Leaders of this party openly admit Hindutva proclivities and profess to be protectors of Nepali culture, which unambiguously implies a Hindu way of life. The UML wanted to do away with the secularism declaration and not mention anything about religion in the Constitution. The silence would have automatically meant the negation of secularism and retention of Sanatana Dharma traditions.

Once a revolutionary party, the United Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist is a pale shadow of its former self. It has no position on any issue of national importance except a vague commitment that a statute be promulgated at all costs.

The drafters of the Constitution-all of who happen to be Brahmin men - perhaps realised that the retention of secularism will alienate a very strong and vocal constituency of Hindu castes while its elimination may end up antagonising indigenous Janjatis of the hills and Muslims of the southern plains.

They decided to redefine the term itself to get over the quandary. The Madheshbadi parties, with significant Muslim and Janjati constituencies, may have urged restraint in their own self-interest but they have boycotted the ritualistic process of writing a constitution. They allege that the concerns of marginalised sections of the population have been ignored.

Other changes
The redefinition of terms in the new Constitution isn't restricted to secularism.

According to the provisions that have been adopted, gender equality has come to mean lesser citizenship rights for women.

Nationality and citizenship have become synonymous. This strengthens community rights of sections which already enjoy a monopoly over all organs of the state.

Impact
Militant Hindus bombed four churches in the eastern part of Nepal soon after the adoption of the secularism clause. It is quite likely that laws proscribing proselytisation shall be retained in the name of protecting Sanatana Dharma.

Madheshis have been campaigning for inclusion and meaningful federalism for over one month now. Over three dozen protestors have died in one of the most brutal crackdowns in the history of the Nepal Police. The Nepal Army patrols the street, ostensibly to assist the local administration, but with the effect of terrorising Madheshis. The high-caste Hindus rush through the charade of writing a constitution regardless.

After secularism, inclusion, citizenship and federalism, it may now be the turn of democracy and republicanism to be redefined to suit the convenience of the Permanent Establishment of Nepal (PEON). It's hardly surprising that people are dying. According to Confucius "Where words lose their meaning, people lose their lives." The death count in the southern plains show that words are losing their meaning in Nepal rather fast.