In international relations, non-interference in others' internal affairs is accepted for two basic reasons. First, this approach accepts the territoriality and sovereignty of a state-insulated domain wherein a ruler irrespective of his legitimacy remains unchallenged. Taking it as a cue, the authoritarian rulers, coming as they do from a variety of backgrounds and objectives, use it as a pretext for carving out a regime best suited to themselves. If the people power is weak, then it becomes easy for them to mask the regime as democracy whether or not such 'democracy' is imbibed with the fundamentals of modern democratic governance.
Second, in contrast to the traditional doctrine of non-interference, a strong opinion has arisen in recent years that accept "humanitarian intervention" if a regime denies the people their basic freedoms and democracy. The United Nations has endorsed 'humanitarian intervention' when human rights are violated on various excuses - disturbance of peace, political disorder, insurgency and stability. Making the people the centre of all development, the humanitarian intervention or interference is a departure from the conventional approach.

In 1960, criticizing King Mahendra's coup of December 15 that had terminated the first ever-established parliamentary system, India's Prime Minister Nehru had stated that it was a 'setback to democracy'. The coup zealots in Nepal termed this statement as "interference" in Nepal's internal affairs. Those who believe in realist school of international politics argued that Nehru could have avoided making such adverse remarks against another country's internal affair. Nehru's off the cuff reaction came spontaneously because of his orientation as the champion of freedoms and democracy.

However, India made adjustment with its Nepal policy after Lal Bahadur Shashtri became Prime Minister. Still, despite India's policy of reconciliation with the royal regime, democracy continued to haunt the Indo-Nepal relations. Anti-Indian sentiment was encouraged by whipping political, strategic and economic issues. The issues of trade and transit, liberalization of polity, and the decline of Pakistan as a counterweight to India following the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation in 1971, and the changing Chinese attitude towards India and the end of the Cold War politics did change the power patterns in South Asia.

Today, India fixation is no more a dominant thinking with the major powers of the world trying to situate themselves in the new realities. The thrust of globalization, end of dogmatic approach in international relations, economic interactions, greater liberalization in regimes and economy and much concern being shown to human rights have brought about radical changes. Technological revolution that has shrunk the world has tried to circumvent the power of the state within its territory as well as outside.

Since democracy and human rights are also an integral part of such information revolution, the authoritarian regimes that try to sustain from the old values and strategies find themselves in an ambience of hostility. Thus, it is not only the native professional groups, affected parties and others, but the international community as a whole shows its solidarity with people's cause.

Moreover, the rationale with which the authoritarian regimes were imposed in the past is no more valid today due to their incapacity to cope with question of legitimacy and performance. It can act only for a short period but for the longer run, such authoritarian regimes are forced to give in to democracy and freedoms. In Nepal too, monarchical power based exclusively on force, and temporarily on the weaknesses of political parties, cannot check its decline. Under the circumstances, the pressure of foreign powers and organizations (UN and others) become crucial. If the country is divided internally on a vital issue of political system, its collapse is imminent. The three-pronged attack on the regime mounted by the Maoists, the agitating parties and the international community-along with the flagging impact of the regime on the people in general, let alone the politicized sections of society, has made the regime more vulnerable.

The patent support extended to the seven-party alliance by the democratic world and the non-committal attitude shown by China to recent developments has also created much difficulty for the regime. Moreover, the regime's interest and national interest that were made inseparable in the 1960s is not likely to do a hat-trick in support of the regime with the nationalist campaign occupying the backseat in the present political melee.

From another perspective, the Maoist People's War is likely to lose its sting if it continues violence as a means of regime change. On the contrary, the scope of forging a broad anti-regime coalition seems to be bright, subject to the renunciation of violence by the Maoists as well as by the acceptance of Maoist demand of a constituent assembly and interim government by the political parties. Perhaps, the constituent assembly would gradually be taken as a means of ending the present crisis because the spree of mutual killing is not likely to produce any result. Although the state is hell-bent on smashing the Maoist war, seeing no other options at hand, it seems that the struggle between the parties and the King is also likely to continue unless the King prepares temperamentally for a nominal role of head of state, a la British monarchical position. But, the ambitious King, who has taken a precipitous decision of taking over executive power, is not likely to oblige the parties and the Maoists by accepting their demands. Thus, the peaceful movement to be launched by the opposition forces alone seems to be the option for restoring "full-fledged democracy".

The Municipal elections announced by the King as a first step towards democracy seems to be supported by a few foreign governments who want to see the opening of a dialogue between the King and political parties. But, given the background and nature of royal decision, such election is in all probability likely to be used as a ploy for the gradual consolidation of the royal regime. At a time when the country needs greater unity and cooperation among the political forces for charting a new political roadmap, elections to be held at the unit level carry no sense. Can the issues raised by parties and the Maoists be addressed by such municipal elections?

एक महिना सरकारी पाहुना बन्दा



अन्ततः माघ १९ गते बिहानैदेखि बन्दुक बोक्नेहरूसँग मेरो लुकामारी प्रारम्भ भयो । प्रजातन्त्रको मलामी जाने र शोकगीत सुनेर मौन रहने कित्ताभन्दा बाहिर थिएँ म, त्यसैले त १९ गते मसँग कठोर रूपमा प्रस्तुत भएको थियो । धेरै भगायो, खोज्दै हिँड्ने आदेशपालकहरूलाई मैले पनि धेरै थकाएँ । आखिर वैशाख १२ गते मसँगको लुकामारीको रमाइलो खेललाई सिर्जनात्मक राजतन्त्रको क्रान्तिकारी बर्दीधारीहरूले रातको करिब तीन बजेतिर भए पनि बिट मारे । सिकारी राज्यले डकैती शैलीमा आश्रयदाता सन्देश अधिकारीको लैनचौरस्थित घरबाट उनी र मसहित सँगै मस्त निद्रामा रहेका विद्यार्थी नेता सुबोध आचार्यलाई कब्जामा लियो । अनि सोह्रखुट्टेको प्रहरी कार्यालयबाट सुरु भयो, यस भीरु सत्ताको सरकारी पाहुनाको रूपमा एक मास लामो यात्रा ।

सोह्रखुट्टेको अतिथिगृहमा महिला थुनुवा कोठाले मलाई बास दियो । जमिनको सतहमुनिको एउटा अँध्यारो कोठा ! घामका किरणहरूले कहिलेकाहीँ जिस्क्याएझैँ गर्थे । मेरो प्रविष्टसँगै उडुस र जुम्राहरूको सहृदयता चुलिएको महसुस गरिहालेँ । भैँसी पौडी खेल्ने आहालजस्तै पानी जमेको थियो । छिमेकको थुनुवा कोठाबाट मैले नगरेको प्रश्नको जवाफ फर्काउँदै एक मित्रले भनिहाले, "अघिल्लो रात त्यो सुन्दर खोपीमा १६ जना परीहरूले रात बिताएका थिए ।" दिनमा एकपटक मात्र शौचालय जान पाइने विचित्रको नियम, अनि कोठाको कुनामा रहेको 'बाल्टिन ट्वाइलेट' भरिएर छताछुल्ल भएको रहेछ । राज्यले लगाएको आरोप थियो, मध्यरातमा राजइच्छाको बर्खिलाप गतिविधि गरिरहेको र सजाय थियो, त्यो कालो कोठामा एकल बास, 'बाल्टिन ट्वाइलेट', सेन्सर्ड प्रेसका प्रकाशनमाथि फेरि सेन्सर, स्वजनहरूसँगको भलाकुसारीमाथि प्रतिबन्ध यस्तै-यस्तै ।

केही स्मरणयोग्य अनुभव छ, सोह्रखुट्टे चौकी बसाइको । एउटा परिचित अनुहार देखेँ । उसले ठम्याउने चुनौती दियो । थोरै प्रयासपश्चात् आफ्नो स्मरणशक्तिप्रति आत्मप्रशंसित हँुदै मैले भनेँ, "तपाईं फोटो पत्रकार हुनुहुन्छ ।" मुस्कुराउँदै उनले सहमति जनाए । तर, फेरि भने, "म फोटो पत्रकार भने होइन, म त फोटो कर्मचारी हो ।" झसङ्ग भएँ । सोचेँ, "कति छन् होला यस्ता कर्मचारीहरू, कुन-कुन भेषमा होलान् !"

छेवैको कोठामा केही दुव्र्यसनीहरू थिए । अभियोग थियो, प्रतिबन्धित पदार्थको सेवन । राज्यबाट अपेक्ष्ाित दायित्व थियो, कुलत परित्याग गर्न दबाब दिने । तर, कस्तो विडम्बना ! ती मित्रहरूले त्यहीँभित्र तिनकै भाषामा 'ट्याब' र 'माल' सहज ढङ्गले प्राप्त गरिरहेका थिए, तैँ चुप, मै चुप । अभियोग थियो झै-झगडा । उनको सोह्रखुट्टे बासको एघारौँ दिन । तर, कुनै पुर्जी पाएका थिएनन् । केही समय खोतलेपछि उनले भने ३० मागेका छन्, मैले १० भन्दा मानेकै छैन । कसले, किन मैले सोध्न चाहिनँ ।

सुबोध र सन्देशलाई सोह्रखुट्टेकै अतिथिगृहमा छाडेर माथिको आदेशअनुसार चौथो दिनमा मेरो सरुवा हनुमानढोकामा भयो । हनुमानढोकाको 'रङ्गीन' माहौलमा प्रवेश गर्नासाथ पुराना दिनहरूतिर फर्किहालेछु । कहिले राज्यविरुद्ध त कहिले राजइच्छाविरुद्ध, सङ्घर्ष लुते भइरह्यो भने अझ कति वर्ष चल्ला यो क्रम ! सोच्दासोच्दै मप्रति लक्षित प्रश्नले झसङ्ग बनाइदियो, "तपाईंलाई के अभियोगमा ल्याएको ?" मैले भनेँ, "मालिकको आदेशले ।" सहजतापूर्वक उनले भने, "ए ! राजनीति ।"

केशव सिंह र राजन राईले न्यानो स्वागत गर्नुभयो । एक जनाका निम्ति अनुपयुक्त कोठामा १४ जनासम्म कोचिएका रहेछन् । तिनको त अभियोग पनि प्रमाणित थिएन । तर, किन यस्तो अमानवीय व्यवहार ? शौचालयको अवस्था हेर्दा 'बाल्टिन ट्वाइलेट' कै याद आयो । सहजै महसुस गर्न सकिन्थ्यो, त्यहाँ अक्सिजनको मात्राको कमी छ हावामा । जेनतेन रात बित्यो । सोह्रखुट्टेको अनुभवमा केही थप्न मन लाग्यो । कोठाकोठा चहार्न थालेँ । सिङ्गो नेपाल नै रहेछ, भूगोलका हिसाबले । ७२ वर्षका बाजे १० वर्षकी बच्चीलाई बलात्कार गरेको अभियोगमा । लागूपदार्थ दुव्र्यसन, बेचबिखन, झै-झगडा, चोरी, ठगी, कर्तव्यज्यान कति प्रकारका अभियुक्तहरू ! जसलाई सोधे पनि 'म फसाइएँ' भन्ने प्रत्युत्तर । लाग्यो, हाकाहाकी अभियुक्त हो भनी सकार्ने त हामी तीन मात्र रहेछौँ त्यहाँ ।

उमेरमा मभन्दा केही कलिला थिए । कृत्रिम मुस्कानले पीडालाई ढाकछोप गर्ने दुष्प्रयास गरेको ठम्याइहालँे । "के हो अभियोग ?" उनले भने, "बम बोकेको ।" फेरि सोधेँ, "कति दिन भयो ?" उत्तर आयो, "९० दिन पट्टी कार्यालयमा । यहाँ आएको ५० दिन भयो ।" पट्टी कार्यालयको अर्थ प्रस्ट्याउँदै भने, "कालोपट्टीले पूर्ण रूपमा बाँधिएको हिरासत ।" पेसाले ट्याक्सीचालक । बाँच्ने झिनो चाहना । माओवादी समूहसँगको आफ्नो आबद्धतालाई स्वीकार्ने अन्य तीनले पनि बताए, "तिनी विशुद्ध श्रमिक हुन् ।" न्यायालयमा प्रतिवाद गर्ने मेरो सुझावलाई उनले फिस्स हाँसेर उडाए, "अदालतमा लाटो बन्नु भनेका छन् ।" बाहिर निस्के 'माथि' पठाइदिन्छन् रे ! मैले जेनेभाको कसम सम्झेँ, प्रजातन्त्रको थोत्रो रटान सम्झेँ । मनमनै गुनेँ, वाह मानवअधिकार ! वाह, कानुनको शासन !

एउटा मित्र बडो मिहिनेतसाथ खैनी माड्दै थिए । मैले सोधिहालेँ, "यार पराग छ ?" उनले सोधे, "पैसा छ ? एक प्याकेट परागको ५० रुपियाँ, एक सर्को चुरोट तानेको १० रुपियाँ । सिङ्गै चाहिएमा ५० रुपियाँ," आँखा झिम्क्याउँदै भने, "माल पनि पाइन्छ यार !" मोल बढी भएको मेरो गुनासोमा उनले भने, "नत्र किन मरिहत्ते गर्थें खोर रुँगेर बस्न ।" ५० रुपियाँको पराग पनि खाइयो ।

चियाको बडो सुविधा थियो । बिहानको ११ देखि साँझ ७ बजेसम्म । कुरो रहेछ, एक कप चियाको एक रुपियाँ कमिसन । नौ बजेपछि शौचालय जान भने बन्द । छिमेककै कोठामा सुतेकामध्ये एक जनालाई मध्यरातमा अत्याएछ । निकैबेर गुहारे तिनले । ढोका खुलेन, साथीको खाना ल्याइएको 'टिफिन बक्स' मै दिसा गर्न बाध्य थिए तिनी । एउटा साथीले हिरासतको मूलद्वारमा घण्टौँ पि्रयजनसँग भलाकुसारी गर्ने छुट पाएका थिए । पछि कानमा सुटुक्क बताए, विशेष छुटका निम्ति पाँच हजार रुपियाँ मोल परेको जुत्ता भेटी चढाएका रहेछन् । एउटा प्रहरी मित्रले भनेको निकै घत लागेको थियो, "आफैँ बसेर गएका यस्ता हिरासत कक्ष र जेलतर्फ फर्केर हेरेनन् नेताहरूले ।" उनले थोरै भने तर मैले सायद धेरै बुझेँ ।

फेरि मेरो सरुवा भयो । अदालतले रिहाइको आदेश मात्र गरेको, पुनः पक्राउप्रति प्रतिबन्ध नलगाएको भन्दै कार्यालय परिसरमै फेरि पक्रिएपछि खरिपाटी बन्दीगृह पुर्?याइयो । आफ्नै हुलमा पुग्दा केही हलुका भएको महसुस गरेँ । गोरखापत्र मा राजनीतिक उपदान खाइरहेकाहरूको तुजुक पढ्न पाइन्थ्यो । तर, प्रत्येक बन्दी आन्दोलनप्रति थप प्रतिबद्ध हुँदै गएको अनुभूतिले आनन्दित बनाउँथ्यो । पुरानो पुस्ताको समीक्षा र नवीन पुस्ताप्रतिको शुभेच्छाले थप जिम्मेवार बनाएको थियो । लुते सरकारले अर्कोपटक भने कानुनलाई गिज्याउन सकेन । न्यायालयका अघि लुत्रुक्क पर्दै रिहा गर्न बाध्य भयो । अहिले सोच्दैछु, आज सिङ्गो मुलुक नै बन्दीगृह भएको छ । पहिलो काम जञ्जिरहरू चुँडाल्नु छ । नयाँ नेपाल निर्माणको प्रारम्भ तिनै हिरासतगृहको सुधारबाट गर्नुपर्छ । विगतलाई बिर्सने भूल यस पुस्ताले भने गर्ने छैन ।

गगन थापा
- http://www.kantipuronline.com/Nepal/Archive/145th%20issue/aabaran.php

आफू त नेपालका available नेताहरुमा Gagan Thapa को फ्यान परियो। बेलाबेलामा आफ्नो सेलब्रिटीलाई promote गर्न मनलाग्छ।

साथीलाई सोह्रखुट्टेको जेलले धेरै सिकाएको छ। अब तातेको फलामलाई आकार दिने समय आउँदैछ।

interesting read!

This lad thapa seems to have in him what is missing in the leadership cult of Nepali politics. Young, enthusiastic, young generation taking leadership role will definitely be in Nepal's interest. Mere mortals as they too are, I fear moral wilting in the same way those preceding (majority) the current crop underwent, whose rise to power and glory was also on the stairs of promises to deliver. Let time tell, if this enthusism and sense of responsibility is a flash in a pan or is there to live for everyone's betterment.