Nepal Reality Check: moving towards serene villages and tumultuous towns?

Govinda Neupane

The fundamental issues of the villages have been broadly addressed. The exploitativebehaviors may still be continuing, but that is not a general trend. The productive forces may still not be freed in the true sense of its meaning, but the freedom march has already been started. The criminal caste system, Khas domination and gender stereotypes may still be continuing, but the village communities have discovered the nonsense Bahunbadi social as well state patronage of such evils. Now, the issues of civil liberty and political freedom have become the critical agenda items. Establishing inclusive pluralistic democracy at the grassroots is the challenge not only for the Maoists, but for other political and social forces as well. The return or resurgence of the local functionaries of the national political parties and their participation in the process of decision making could bring life in this process. They should participate in the local governance mechanism. But, the participation should be through election of the village assemblies. This is what the villages need now. The Maoists should welcome the returnees and/or the resurgent cadres of other political parties. They, themselves, should participate in the governance by competing with these political opponents. They should abide by the law that they agree to govern or to sit in the opposition as mandated by the people through periodic elections. When the village assemblies are in place, then comes the turn of rural physical progress. Mobilizing resources available locally, raising voices to bring the national resources through collective bargaining, and building prosperous villages should be the priority of these village assemblies. The historic process of transformation has already been started and the progressive forces should ensure to take it to its logical conclusion. For a decade, the politico-cultural, economic and military confrontations had been heavily concentrated in the villages. Now, the villages are administered by the agencies other than that of the government in Singh durbar. The same agencies are reaching out to towns and cities to establish their governance. It sounds a bit funny, but a new reality begins its journey rather through a semi visible route and reaches to the stage of super visibility. Some people feel it, see it and talk about it in its semi visible state itself, whereas the others see it during the stage of super visibility. This happens not only due to ignorance or absence of hard facts, but also because of someone's utter dislike of that emerging reality and determined rejection of it. Let's see what has started to happen outside the village Nepal. The Maoist army has already established its well equipped security posts in many towns. It is present in every strategic highways and major boarder posts. It has started patrolling the boarder to check the illegal movement of goods. The tax system has been introduced by the Maoists in the towns and cities too. They have started their justice delivery services there. Moreover, they have been channeling the district level government funds (though partially and onlyin some districts) allocated for rural infrastructure and are implementing as well asoverseeing the construction works. They have started awarding the district level contractsin areas of local resource exploitation such as sand and stones and service provisions such as ferry, boats, etc. They have been collecting the road tax. In fact, even in towns, cities and highways, now they have started to gradually replacing the agencies of the government headquartered in Singh durbar.

In the villages, there is single governance mechanism with some exceptions in areas closer to the big cities or the district headquarters. Good or bad, there is the rule as per the design of the Maoists. Hence, the duel rule is confined to the major towns and cities. The Maoists agenda is to unify the governance by designing a new system through the election of the constituent assembly. Therefore, they need the election for restructuring the sate and transferring the state power to the new structures and establishing themselves as a major player in governance. But, why the seven party alliance is willing to go for the election? There are a few logics and among them the most important one is 'their desire' to resolve the 'Maoist problem'. Otherwise, they are perfectly happy with the parliamentary system they have now. Why they are ready to compromise? In the past when the king had captured all power, it was understandable that they tried to find out a common ground to have some sort of understanding with the Maoists. Hence, they agreed that they also will hold the tail of the holy cow, the constituent assembly. Now, the situation has changed and they have become the masters of Singh durbar. Hence, they do not need the tail of the holy cow; rather they need the precious villages under their control. Contrary to this, the Maoists, the champions of harvesting benefits from the fights within the enemy camps, also want to establish their effective governance over the towns and cities. They will not allow the seven party alliance to rule over the villages on the terms of Singh durbar. Similarly, the seven party alliance will not vacate the cities and towns for the Maoists. Hence, the towns and cities are going to be the areas of turmoil. To reach to that level, both, the Maoists and the seven party alliance have to pass through a logical course. Therefore, both of them have been constantly talking about the election of the constituent assembly, either enthusiastically or reluctantly. Now, this may or may not be a commitment, but certainly this talk in itself is part of that logical course. Although, there is no credible basis to sustain it over a long period of time, the morale of the seven party alliance sounds high. They do not have their own army and the army which they inherited and are presiding over has been considered not loyal to them. It is true that the powerful regional and global forces are backing them. That is their only credible strength. But, that support too is conditional, particularly from the superpower. The condition is that they have to part company with the Maoists if the Maoists reject decommissioning and disarming. Until now, only one factor has not been clear and that is why India, at least publicly, is supporting the idea of partnership between the Maoists and the seven party alliance. Is there any secret understanding among the three - India, seven party alliance and Maoists? Secret understanding or no secret understanding, if and when the Maoists see no reason to partnering with the seven party alliance, they have the courage and motivation to come out of such arrangements, instantly. Alternatively, if and when the Maoist leadership succumbs to international pressure and starts decommissioning and disarming the Maoist army, the leadership will have to witness the revolt and reorganization of their own army against them. This could be the most logical scenario. The Maoist leadership understands it more than anybody else. Then, why they are parading on the roads and streets of the historic city of Kathmandu? Are they enjoying life as tourists? Are they collecting information to establish a handicraft exporting house? Are they negotiating with the spineless government representatives without any purpose? Are they under strong influence of any foreign force? Are they super ambitious crooks who are in hurry to enter inside the Singh durbar? If the answer of the last five questions is an emphatic "no", then there is a mission behind. And, the

mission could not be better than either to establishing a progressive political system that could transform the Nepalese society by actively participating in the election of the constituent assembly or if it fails as a process or as an output, starting the urban guerilla war, which will ensure effective governance in the villages and also will help to establish hold over the towns and cities. If the reluctant seven party alliance succumbs to foreign pressure and creates obstacles in Maoists' participation in the election of the constituent assembly or if the Maoists conclude that there is no alternative available for them otherthan rejecting or accepting the pre-conditions including decommissioning and disarming, the very day, they may go back to war. In fact, the Maoist army could be placed in a number of temporary barracks and the United Nations could ensure their being inside till the election has not been over. Therefore, either there might be peace by taking the route of the constituent assembly or there could be war, particularly the urban guerilla war, if the ongoing negotiation fails. In such situation, the villages may remain peaceful, but there could be unprecedented turmoil in towns and cities. Therefore, there is urgency to understand the gravity of problems, to examine availability of options, to decide immediate course of actions and to craft strategies to ensure better prospects.
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The essence of change: An overview
The government-Maoist negotiation exercise has provided a right platform for the meaningful debate, which may contribute immensely in the process of building a prosperous society and a strong nation. The debate certainly encompasses the need for several minor adjustments of short-term nature and enters into the structural areas of strategic significance. Appreciating this context, the government and the Maoists should agree to open a general debate to finalize the transformational agenda and leave the process to take a natural course for conclusion. It makes no sense to wasting time by talking on the issues of marginal significance.
The important tasks for today are to identify the core issues, examine the importance they carry, develop new principles and values, and prepare an agenda for national debate. All sections of the society including the negotiating parties should share this responsibility. Based on such understanding, here, an attempt has been made to present an overview primarily focusing on the essence of change. The issues mentioned below affect the strategic course of national reconstruction and development.
Rationalizing ownership as well as control over the means of production and establishing an equitable system of production relations among classes,
Designing a new system of mixed economy by critically refining the role of the state,
Maximizing contributions of individuals, groups and organizations with the promotion of plural socio-political and cultural values, behaviors and practices by designing and implementing a competitive political frame-work,
Equitable sharing of power, resources and opportunities among nationalities.
Correcting, both, social as well as geographical imbalances through affirmative actions,
Providing an environment where the society guards against the external cultural invasion, and at the same time promotes cross-cultural learning through critical examination and creative application, and
Protecting the national interests, strengthening the national capacities and enhancing visibility and dignified presence of the country among the nations.

By addressing the issues of ownership and the production relations, a roadmap for an agrarian reform and fundamentals of a new mixed economy could be developed. The poverty and economic under development have two aspects – low production and unjust distribution. Therefore, the new vision, principles and the roadmap should address both aspects. The policies which will be developed and the programs follow afterwards would be guided by the thematic positioning of this historical period, when a new vision is being developed and the strategies are being crafted. Therefore, the principles and the inserted values should have clarity and operational worth.
The question of designing a competitive political frame-work is something difficult to chew for the politicians and the thinkers of the parliamentary school of thought and the westernized intelligentsia. For them, this is an already resolved issue. Their prescription includes allowing to form political parties, organize elections on regular intervals, tolerate speaking and shouting, protect the 'lofty' civil liberties and the 'basic' human rights, ensure the division of power among different branches of the state system, put all these arrangements in a law book (constitution) and implement its provisions in any style – British, Bihari or Bolivian. The frame-work they advocate does not consider any proactive role for a state-system to ensure citizen's ability to participate in governance. At the same time, where a large majority of the citizens lack high degree of political awareness and freedom from hunger, their ability to influence the policy of the government and other political actors becomes marginal. The arrangements mentioned above, thus, serve just as cosmetics for them. A small section of people reaps all the harvest. Therefore, that section of the political elite, which includes professional politicians and amateur intellectual collaborators, try to prevent the debate related to designing a superstructure compatible to the existing reality of the society. Now, this has become a challenge for the leftist political forces in general and the Marxist intellectuals and the communist scholars in particular to develop a superstructure, which promotes the plural political, cultural and spiritual values, and at the same time, ensures a large majority of citizen's participation in governance. The core issue here is that the state-system should liberate itself from the net of the upper class interests. Also, the state-system should stop discharging the role it plays just for the upper class as their protector, care provider and prosperity manager. Therefore, designing a system that addresses correctly the issue of political substance and the competitive system of governance gets paramount importance.
Regarding the issues of imbalances, they are seen in four areas – nationalities, gender, caste and geographical region. Several Nepalese political and social activists have proposed a surgical process. The surgical process includes end of Khasa domination, male chauvinism, Bahunbad and "Forget West and Neglect Tarai" syndrome. In reality, the centralized state-system has created a situation where only the Khasa nationality can benefit ( Newars are to some extent an exception). To correct this situation, a federal system of governance with full-fledged autonomous regions of different nationalities should be established. Similarly, the provision of affirmative actions should be instituted to correct the male chauvinism. Now, the reservation as well as reparation provisions for Dalits have become their rights to redress the worst effects of Bahunbad. The regional imbalances could be rectified by reversing the "Forget West and Neglect Tarai" policy of the state. The introduction of the federal system also will contribute to correct this imbalance. The cultural invasion, both, internal and external, also is a major issue of concern. The indigenous cultural riches, values and practices should be best preserved, fine-tuned and contextualized. Preventing the negative effect of an invading culture is essential, but cross-cultural learning, also, should be encouraged. There is not an easy way out. Therefore, the debate on the regional and socio-cultural imbalances should form an integral part of the exercise centered on the formation of a constituent assembly.
The politicians, mostly the rightists and a section of the centrist block, use nationalism as a trump card to garner popular support by playing with people's sentiments. "Curse India by words and serve India by deeds" is the motto of these nationalist crooks. The new system has to create a platform where the sovereign right of the nation to make decisions is fully protected.
These issues together, may contribute to create a sound foundation for the prosperity that promotes equity, social harmony, justice and peace, and will form the basis of a transformational socio-economic and political agenda. Therefore, just limiting the discussion at this moment, on sharing power among different political forces has no significance in regard to resolving the problems. The process of nationwide debate could be best governed by the election exercise of the constituent assembly. During the course of the general debate, different prescriptions will appear to influence the masses and some of them will be endorsed by the people. Finally, adopting a new constitution could institutionalize the General Will. Although, the process is difficult, agreeing on the agenda and the principles could be a frustrating exercise, and the election as well as drafting a new constitution could be full of obstacles; but only this course may lead to lasting peace, prosperity and justice through a political process. It should be noted that the essence of fundamental change is transformation of the society. If the political process fails to address this reality, the process of confrontational path of armed transformation will get acceleration.


Pluralism with difference: A prerequisite for peace and prosperity
In any society, politics is one of the most important topics which should generate debate. Unfortunately, in Nepal , politics is considered as a well understood and already concluded issue and the debate centers around political rituals. In essence, politics is the collective act of one or more non-antagonistic economic class or classes to protect and promote their class interests by blending, programming and packaging their interests in a certain ideology, theory and a pattern of behaviors. Therefore, one has to understand the class-base and the orientation of the ideology, theory and behaviors that their collective act represents. The collective act necessarily relates itself with the existing reality of the society and interacts, influences and interferes by antagonistic or non-antagonistic manner with all other types of collective acts prevailing in that particular time. Since its beginning, the class society is pluralistic politically, economically, socio-culturally, psychologically and organizationally. The plural values, beliefs and practices are not limited to the collective behavior of antagonistic classes; it has been seen within the same type of classes too. In reality, they differ and behave differently within a broad periphery of class interests. To promote and safeguard the class interests collectively, and to represent those interests more effectively, the antagonistic classes fight head-to-head, sometimes in the battlefield when the class contradiction reaches to the boiling point. This is what the Nepalese society is experiencing today.
In the Nepalese society, one can see the fiercest fight. The fight is multidimensional and complex. It has covered ideologies, politics, cultures, values and many more. The fight, primarily, is between the upper class ruling coalition and the working classes. The ruling classes are trying their level best to continue the political, economic and cultural dominance whereas the working classes want to radically reorganize the society including the change of the superstructure. At this moment, the palace has become the leader of the ruling upper class and the Maoists lead the working class majority. In strategic sense, the centrists are the extension of the ruling coalition, but today, in tactical sense, they are humiliated section of the upper class political coalition and use to cry sometimes when a 'friendly-fire' hits them or extreme hunger for power, prestige, wealth and opportunity compels them. This is what the parliamentary opposition's protest movement is all about. Although, they cry to regain their lost glory, this process also may have positive political impact.
Retaining and even strengthening the existing behavioral, programmatic and operational supremacy in all spheres of socio-economic and political governance is the goal of the upper class ruling coalition whereas the leftists led by the Maoists are striving for radical socio-economic and political change. In this way, Nepalese political scene is witnessing a grand fight of unprecedented nature. The contradictions between the antagonistic classes have broadened the scope of struggle, which has entered into the superior level of class war. Now, there are two governing mechanisms. Although, two types of mechanism have been in practice, but that does not necessarily reflect the presence of two systems. The upper class ruling coalition has been operating under the multiparty system whereas the Maoists are going through an experiential course by making several experiments in the area they govern.
During the period of war, any experiment may work, but in a broader political canvas, a comprehensive system alone can provide the appropriate operating mechanism.
The communists all over the world successfully campaigned for a new nature of state power. They were successful in capturing the power in several countries. Once, they were not only a dominant ideology in the world but also the counter-balancing military power. They failed to retain that place. The easy answer is – the revisionists and the capitalists recaptured the power. But why they recaptured the state power so successfully? Was it a policy failure or the failure of implementation? Or, it happened due to more fundamental structural reasons? It is not in one or a few countries the experiment failed. Therefore, the logic of policy or implementation failure doesn't reflect the reality. This is structural failure of fundamental nature. In the beginning, one of the reasons for the failure of the Paris commune was stated as not effective implementation of dictatorship of the proletariat. This conclusion offered uncompromising stand in favor of dictatorship, which in later years was extended to people with differing views including the communist party leaders and cadres. In the process, most of the communist parties lost their vision, side-lined the values and degenerated as monolithic state bureaucracies. The failure was the outcome of the extension of dictatorship of the party exercised by its leadership. Indeed, the failure was the result of the negation of pluralistic socio-economic and political composition of the society and absence of a superstructure appropriate to address that reality. Certainly, that lesson should get importance, more particularly, during the phase of democratic revolution and reconstruction. Therefore, to address the need of an appropriate superstructure that ensures politico-economic and cultural pluralism with difference, the following provisions may provide the basis.
Constitutionally mandated nature of state that overtly favors working classes, minorities and weaker sections,
Multiparty,
Federal state,
Autonomous regions of nationalities,
New mixed economy,
Multiculturalism, and
State completely free from religious affiliation.

This is not the "Bahudaliya Janabad" as some centrists are busy selling their product under the communist banner. The important factors are the class orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When working class interests, values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly. It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. If this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one and the mass uprising or protracted war will insure the insertion of the new vision and values. Finally, if the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with difference provides the dynamic environment to all political parties, social and economic institutes and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence and also it makes them accountable as the people judge them continuously. Therefore, the consensus for the pluralism that has equity and justice as its core values, could be a turning point to ensure true democracy, lasting peace and ever flourishing prosperity in Nepal.

The Economies Of Cows

Socialism You have 2 cows and you give one to your neighbour.

Communism You have 2 cows. The Government takes both and gives you some milk.

Fascism You have 2 cows. The Government takes both and sells you some milk.

Nazism You have 2 cows. The Government takes both and shoots you.

Bureaucracy You have 2 cows. The Government takes both, shoots one, milks the other and throws the milk away.

Traditional Capitalism You have two cows. You sell one and buy a bull. You herd multiples, and the economy grows. You sell them and retire on the income.

An American Corporation You have two cows. You sell one, and force the other to produce the milk of four cows. Later, you hire a consultant to analyse why the cow dropped dead.

A French Corporation You have two cows. You go on strike because you want three cows.

A Japanese Corporation You have two cows. You redesign them so they are one-tenth the size of an ordinary cow and produce twenty times the milk. You then create a clever cow cartoon image called Cowkimon and market them world-wide.

A German Corporation You have two cows. You re-engineer them so they live for 100 years, eat once a month and milk themselves.

An Italian Corporation You have two cows, but you don't know where they are. You break for lunch.

A Russian Corporation You have two cows. You count them and learn you have 5 cows. You count them again and learn you have 42 cows. You count them again and learn you have 2 cows. You stop counting cows and open another bottle of vodka.

A Swiss Corporation You have 5,000 cows, none of which belong to you. You charge others for storing them.

A Chinese Corporation You have two cows. You have 300 people milking them. You claim full employment, high bovine productivity, and arrest the newsman who reported the numbers.

An Indian Corporation You have two cows. You worship them.

An Irish Corporation You have two cows. You claim government subsidies for eight cows.

A British Corporation You have two cows. Both are mad

Nepali Corporation You think you have two cows but in reality you don't have any but you expect the donors to give you a jersey cow.



Shree 0 Surya Bdr: Take care of the cows you have otherwise the bulls will attack you from the rear and you loose everything again for the second time. A word from the wise should be enough.

Shree 1 Pashupati SJB: I have my ancestral cows but now your cows are mine too. But I cannot take care of my cows like my shed.

Shree 2 Shere Bdr: Your two cows are mine. Not to worry: they will be insured (remember when I was PM). They will be given pajeros, life saving expensive drugs (only bills enough), bulls will get pregnant and foreign tours will be organized. They will be happy with me like the corrupt cows around me (who can beat the herd I have). Eventually hand over the herd to the lord.

Shree 3 Makune: Your two cows are mine. Now I also want the bulls too according to our party decision. You still have chickens, cats, dogs, rats …. They are mine and my parties. Why? Are you so dumb … this is the wish of the sahid and according to the mandate of Janaaldolan 2 like the previous one. Happy smile. What is good for my party is good for you.

Shree 4 Girija: Your two cows are mine. Now go find more cows for the rest of my family and some for my party … after all I have to promote my dynasty to replace the one gone. Even Maoist have proposed me as first President. Dumb commies. I will manipulate for a non-Nepali, young, female, temperamental, corrupt. … but after all a former Koirala – Sujata Jost. Smile. What is good for my family is good for you.

Shree 5: No cows in the shed.

Shree 6 Pachanda: Your two cows are mine plus the land they stand on. Now you have to work for me to take care of the cows. Plus you have to give informal tax (chanda) to take care of the cows, feed you as labourer, dress you in green and give you a bicycle. Why are you not listening to me? I will kill you Pol Pot style. Laughter. What is good for me is good for you.

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Allow Your Own Inner Light to Guide You
There comes a time when you must stand alone.

You must feel confident enough within yourself to follow your own dreams.

You must be willing to make sacrifices.

You must be capable of changing and rearranging your priorities so that your final goal can be achieved.

Sometimes, familiarity and comfort need to be challenged.

There are times when you must take a few extra chances and create your own realities.

Be strong enough to at least try to make your life better.

Be confident enough that you won't settle for a compromise just to get by.

Appreciate yourself by allowing yourself the opportunities to grow, develop, and find your true sense of purpose in this life.

Don't stand in someone else's shadow when it's your sunlight that should lead the way.





Work hard at what you like to do and try to overcome all obstacles

Laugh at your mistakes and praise yourself for learning from them

Pick some flowers and appreciate the beauty of nature

Say hello to strangers and enjoy the people you know

Don't be afraid to show your emotions laughing and crying make you feel better

Love your friends and family with your entire being they are the most important part of your life

Feel the calmness on a quiet sunny day

Find a rainbow and live your world of dreams always remember life is better than it seems




BE THANKFUL
Be thankful that you don't already have everything you desire. If you did, what would there be to look forward to?

Be thankful when you don't know something, for it gives you the opportunity to learn.

Be thankful for the difficult times. During those times you grow.

Be thankful for your limitations, because they give you opportunities for improvement.

Be thankful for your mistakes. They will teach you valuable lessons.

Be thankful when you're tired and weary, because it means you've made a difference.

It's easy to be thankful for the good things.

A life of rich fulfillment comes to those who are also thankful for the setbacks.

Find a way to be thankful for your troubles, and they can become your blessings.










Appreciating Our Past
It is easy to be negative about past mistakes and unhappiness. But it is much more healing to look at ourselves and our past in the light of experience, acceptance, and growth.
Our past is a series of lessons that advance us to higher levels of living and loving. The relationships we entered, stayed in, or ended taught us necessary lessons.

Some of us have emerged from the most painful circumstances with strong insights about who we are and what we want. Our mistakes? Necessary. Our frustrations, failures, and sometimes stumbling attempts at growth and progress? Necessary too. Each step of the way, we learned. We went through exactly the experiences we need to, to become who we are today. Each step of the way, we progressed. Is our past a mistake? No. The only mistake we can make is mistaking that for the truth.

Today, God, help me let go of negative thoughts I may be harboring about my past circumstances or relationships. I can accept, with gratitude, all that has brought me to today.




A Lesson in Life
Everything happens for a reason. Nothing happens by chance or by means of good or bad luck. Illness, injury, love, lost moments of true greatness and sheer stupidity all occur to test the limits of your soul. Without these small tests, if they be events, illnesses or relationships, life would be like a smoothly paved, straight, flat road to nowhere.
If someone hurts you, betrays you , or breaks you heart, forgive them. For they have helped you learn about trust and the importance of being cautious to who you open your heart to.

If someone loves you, love them back unconditionally, not only because they love you, but because they are teaching you to love and opening your heart and eyes to things you would have never seen or felt without them.

Make every day count. Appreciate every moment and take from it everything that you possibly can, for you may never be able to experience it again.

Talk to people you have never talked to before, and actually listen. Hold your head up because you have every right to. Tell yourself you are a great individual and believe in yourself, for if you don't believe in yourself, no one else will believe in you either.

You can make of your life anything you wish. Create your own life and then go out and live it.

neupaneg1987@yahoo.com
www.neupaneg.com
Spring Thunder In Nepal…Glorious But Inconclusive-II
By Govinda Neupane


Neupane defends his article and responds to criticism. Govinda Neupane is one of the founding members of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist). Neupaneg.com is his personal web site and he could be contacted at neupaneg1987@yahoo.com .]

Excerpt from previous article :

The so-called national consensus on holding the election of the constituent assembly may not necessarily provide synergy only for forward movement. The situation is fluid and complex and it is natural that the Maoists will maintain their army and even they may expand and strengthen their fighting capacity….Therefore, the polarization between the parliamentary forces and the Maoists sounds imminent. Hence, in all probability, the people have to live in a situation of civil war till the unjust upper class Khas rule becomes history…

Khas Domination:

In Nepal, there are five nationalities - Madheshi (31.53%), Khas (30.89%), MangolKirat (23.05%), Dalit (7.87%) and Newar (5.48%). Besides, there are some small unclassified groups (1.19%). The Khas has four sub-groups. They are Bahun, Chhetri, Thakuri and Sanyasi. The Khas-Hindu rulers used the caste system, cultural invasion and Hindu administrative as well as legal system as the basis for suppressing the cultures of other nationalities. The process of Khas domination had started long ago and the state provided the leadership.

Therefore, the role of the state in creating favorable environment for Khas domination and centralization of available resources, opportunities and power around them is the primary reason for all sorts of inequalities among nationalities. In 2005, Khasas having a population of 30.89% had been occupying 59.18% of the powerful leadership positions in four major areas - state, political parties, private sector and civil society. (For details, please see my book "Nepalko jatiya Prashna: Samajik Banot ra Sajhedariko Sambhavana ", Second Edition - 2005, Center for Development Studies - Nepal, Kathmandu. The first edition of the book in English titled The Nationalities' Question in Nepal: Social Convergence and Partnership Building through Multiculturalism and Federalism" is available for download here). In reality, if we wish to build an egalitarian, civilized and prosperous Nepal , we should end the Khas domination in every aspect of national life.

Land Issue:

There are four issues involved - ownership, communal relations (i.e., nationalities' ownership pattern, such as who controls the former Kipat land in Limbuan), value of land as per its location and productivity. In Nepal, land brings prestige, provides insurance cover and ensures livelihood for a large majority of people. Therefore, one has to appreciate the role that land plays. Moreover, it is the most important means of production. Also, the land has contributed to class conflicts, court cases and corruption opportunities for the bureaucrats including in the legal system who are called judges. Therefore, resolution of the land issue has been critical and central.

The issue is not that everybody has to share poverty, rather everybody should have equitable share on prosperity. Therefore, the traditional land reform alone may not solve the problem, though it is true that there is the need of redistribution of land particularly based on "land to the tiller". Hence, one has to be creative, innovative and willing to accept the mechanism of collective problem solving. Cooperative farming particularly horticulture in commercial scales in the hill areas by bringing land and labor inputs together as shares could be one among such initiatives. In some areas, reverting to communal ownership as an upgraded Kipat system may help. In fact, the most important issues are to ensure equity, justice and prosperity. Let's collectively continue to search for better and better options to resolve the issues related to land, which is one of the most important productive resources in Nepal.

Maoist Movement:

After the historic people's movement of 1990, the expectation was that the pace of change would be faster. The aspirations among the people heralded that the political forces should move in an unprecedented speed so as to bridge the political, social, economic and intellectual gap created by overall underdevelopment, injustices and irresponsible governance. After the movement, one or the other party formed the government. Unfortunately, they not only overlooked the people's aspirations and the national development agenda but also nearly all the leaders and influential cadres of the parliamentary political parties accumulated unimaginable wealth through all sorts of corrupt practices. As a result, disappointment and frustration among the people run high. In the mean time the Maoists took arms.

The politico-economic and social agenda have centered on the armed confrontations, battles and war since 1996. Since then, the society has been passing through a difficult phase of transition. In fact, feudalism has been fast disappearing in the villages. The towns and cities also are passing through socio-political change, speedily. The awakening among the oppressed nationalities has been unprecedented. And, hope has been generated among the people. The "Spring Thunder of April 2006″ has opened up the opportunities to realize the dream of a new Nepal. Now, the Nepalese state and people could address the issues of fundamental societal transformation.

Therefore, there is the need of a superstructure, which is compatible to the transformational agenda. If the society has to move forward, there should be a progressive state which operates with dynamic political processes. Obviously, pluralism with a difference (please see my article "Pluralism with Difference" for definition and characteristics on this page.) provides the synergistic environment to all political parties, social and economic forces and mass organizations to function as centers of excellence. Also, it makes them accountable as the people could judge them continuously. The important factors are the orientation of the state power and the choice of a mechanism by which the power is exercised. When the interest of the common people, their values and visions occupy primacy, rest will fall accordingly.

It is important to institutionalize those primacies in the form of constitutional provisions, and for this purpose there is the need of a duly elected constituent assembly. When there are such provisions in the constitution drafted and adopted by the constituent assembly, the armed forces and the bureaucracy need overhaul. A surgical process can insert the new state values within a new operational framework. The amalgamation of two armies into one could provide the opportunity for such surgical process. To create such opportunities, many individuals, groups, parties and forces fought resolutely. Certainly, the Maoists are one among the major players. Therefore, it is normal and natural to appreciate the Maoists for their value adding contributions in this historic process.

Validation of Conclusion

The consensus that has built around the constituent assembly could be the new departure point in the endeavor for building a new nation, a new Nepal. But, if this process gets obstructed, the course may turn again into a violent one. We should not forget this probability only because of the euphoria of optimism. Being impulsive is good, but keeping the head cool is better