http://mangalorean.com/news.php?newstype=local&newsid=44536

The article above titles "Nepal king fulfills 117-year-old Indian's wish" and further writes down that she was born in Nepal and given citizenship of Nepal as one of her last wish.
Nowthe question is: if she is born in Nepal why the heck is journalist calling her an Indian?
Will it not be injustice to call her an Indian and shame for those who cannot accept their citizens. It would have been much better to call her Indian origin Nepalese.

I feel very proud be a Nepalese citizen and i think everyone of us who is born in this soil should get the privilege to call themselves Nepalsese too.

Since i am writing this, wanna add one more point about bringing down the statue of King Prithvi Narayan Shah. That was the most disgraceful act done by the Nepalese ever. What were my people thinking when they did so? That f***ing pisses me off. If not for King Prithvi Narayan Shah, we could have never called ourselves Nepalese. He united this Kingdom and sacrificed his luxuries to name this country and its people. But what did he get now? Nothing...................people when you were breaking down that statue, you did not realize that you were instead breaking down this country again into pieces.

"Breadth and Depth of Racial Discrimination in Nepal"

By Dr. Bhattachan

The book "Durban Ghosana ra Karya Yojana tatha Nepalma Jatiya Bibhed," meaning "Durban Declaration and Plan of Action and Racial Discrimination in Nepal" published by the National Coalition Against Racial Discrimination (NCARD) has historic significance in Nepal, as it is first of its kind in which different groups of victims, except one, have expressed their voice against racism and racial discrimination in Nepal. The book takes us to several mountain flights – mountain of racial discrimination against indigenous peoples, mountain of racial discrimination against Dalits, mountain of racial discrimination against Madhesis, and so on. Also, the book takes us beyond the border to another mountain flight, that is, the mountain of racial discrimination against the British Gurkhas by the British government. The book is a symbol of historic solidarity among different groups of victims of racism and racial discrimination. It is also an effort to see the inter-linkage between, following Michel Foucault, knowledge and power, and following Jurgen Habermas, knowledge and interest. In other words, victims of racism and racial discrimination in Nepal have now refused to be passive consumers of knowledge produced by the dominant groups. Instead, the victims have made, through this book, a collective attempt to produce knowledge to balance power and interest for liberation. The attempt itself is highly commendable.
Individual reports of nine victim groups written by the respective victims clearly show that the main cause for all forms of racial discrimination in Nepal include Brahmanism or Khas-Brahamism or Bahunbad, which is an ideology, policy and practices of the suppression, oppression, depression, compression, exploitation, subjugation, domination, monopoly and hegemony of one caste, one language, one religion, one culture, one region and one sex over others in fields of power, authority, resources, language, religion and culture. Racial discrimination has historical, political, religious, socio-cultural and legal roots.
Among the victims of racism and racial discrimination in the past, some were traditional or rather fatalist to accept racial discrimination as their "Karma" ("fate") or age-old tradition or "god's wish" and others were very naïve not to see any option for their liberation. The book is an evidence that the current generation of the victims in Nepal is bold enough and critically conscious as they aptly voice collectively that they no more want to become captive or victims of any forms of racism and racial discrimination in Nepal and also around the world, and demand that the perpetrators of racism and racial discrimination be duly punished by the government and the international community. Our dreams to eliminate all forms of racism and racial discrimination, our dreams to cherish democracy and human rights, our dreams to live life with full human dignity must be highly appreciated and respected by all.
I, like many others, strongly believe that Durban Declaration and Plan of Action do not satisfy our needs, aspirations and dreams, including the dream of full and unfettered exercise of right to self-determination and autonomy because we were not represented there in making decisions. Nevertheless, if HMG-Nepal should sincerely implement it in Nepal in its letter and spirit but the million-dollar question that looms large is: Will our government fulfill it minimally, if not optimally? The contributors of the book indicate that we all victims are chasing a dream – dream to enter rusted Iron Gate shut by the Brahmanists or Khas-Brahmanists or Bahunists for centuries.
The first ever human development report of Nepal entitled Nepal Human Development Report 1998 prepared by five Bahun scholars associated with the Nepal South Asia Center (NESAC), with support of UNDP, could not deny the naked truth thus,
"There is an astonishing continuity in the predominance of the high caste and specific ethnic groups in state administration since the formation of the Nepali state more than two centuries and a quarter ago, which appear to have occupied 98 percent of the top civil service posts in 1854. More than one century later, in 1969, this percentage came down to only marginally, to 93 percent...At present, of the 454 top-level civil (Special Class and First Class) positions, 417 (92 percent) are still occupied by the same groups." (NESAC 1998: p.145-146).
Now, if you have calculators, help yourself to calculate how many years would it take to strike a balance in representation of all caste and ethnic groups in top civil service posts? Anyway, let me help you. It was 98% in 1854 and 92% in 1998. It means only 6% was reduced in 144 years. It also means, it took 24 years for 1% reduction. If we believe in the figures of 1991 census, which most of the minority groups consider to be the "mithyanka" ("tampered figures"), Bahun-Chhteris, the dominant caste group, who form about 30% of the then total 18 million population of Nepal had captured 92% to 98% of the top civil service posts from 1854 to 1998, that is, during the last 144 Years. Unfortunately, they continue to do so. They indeed deserve 30% but in no way, 92% to 98%. If such a terrible trend should continue, it would take a roller coaster ride for 1488 years to get their due share by the remaining 70% of the total population. Now, the million dollar question is -- Would you wait for 1488 years to get your due share, if you happen to be one of those unlucky ones? I cannot imagine that any one would do so. And this is exactly what we understand reading the book.
Is there any ray of hope in such a dark, not only dark, but very dark ("chuk ghoptyaeko andhyaro"), tunnel? There is indeed such a ray as noted by Prof. Dor Bahadur Bista, who is considered as the father of anthropology in Nepal, in his bestseller book entitled Fatalism and Development. Nepal's Struggle for Modernization. Prof. Bista had confessed thus,
"The Nepali population that has remained untouched by Hindu caste principles is Nepal's greatest treasure. This is a very sizable proportion of the population. But presently they live in remote areas, at a little above subsistence level, with little or no education, and no opportunities to develop and actualize their aspirations. Their values are not the values of hierarchic Bahunism…The Jyapu of Kathmandu Valley, and the others who are even less affected by Hindu caste hierarchy, such as the Sherpa, Tamang, Magar and Limbus are untapped resources of the nation. Only when foreign aid can reach these people, in sufficient quantity and of the right kind, will Nepal genuinely be able to establish the basis of her future prosperity" (Bista 1991: 151-152) (emphasis mine).
There is indeed a need to establish a Nepal Office of the UN Human Rights Commission to monitor racism and racial discrimination in Nepal. Also, I greatly appreciate donor's support for mainstreaming gender and I would like to suggest all donors, and also to HMG-Nepal, to give highest priority in developing several programs such as mainstreaming Dalits, mainstreaming indigenous nationalities, mainstreaming Madhesis and mainstreaming Muslims and other programs as a part of the process to implement the Durban Plan of Action in Nepal. We, however, should remember that donors might show their generosity in extending their help and support in our fight against racism and racial discrimination in Nepal but we should have courage to say no, if their help and support do not really help and support our cause. Also, we should be bold enough to say no to any donor's or donor funded programs and projects if it is implemented through individuals and organizations that do not belong to victim groups or if there is no ownership of the programs or projects by the victim groups right from planning and decision-making to implementation, monitoring and evaluation.
Finally, one thing we know for sure is that the upward trails traversed by the perpetrators of racism and racial discrimination in Nepal and elsewhere is downward bound and downward trail traversed by the latter is upward bound. The battle against racism and racial discrimination must be intensified. The paramount reality is solidarity of and collective actions by different groups of victims of racism and racial discrimination. I appeal each and every victim of racism and racial discrimination to live, following C. Wright Mills, like a history but never as a biography.
This is an condensed version of comments made by Dr. Krishna B. Bhattachan at a book launching ceremony of the book Darban Ghosana ra Karya Yojana tatha Nepalma Jatiya Bibhed organized by the NCARD on Monday, May 30, 2002 at the Hotel Himalaya, Kupodole, Lalitpur. Dr. Henning Karcher, the Chief Guest of the program, had released the book – Ed.