APRIL 25th AND THEREAFTER!
We do not have a second to waste to develop the nation.

What should we be remembered for April 25, 2006?
Let us for a moment pause to reflect what it is that for which we would like to be remembered by the future generations. Will we be remembered for how many of us were got killed our generation has added, will we be remembered for how many leaders arrested our generation has added, will we be remembered for how many temples our generation has added or will we be remembered for how many Universities our generation has added? No,not at all. We will be remembered only if we give to our younger generation a prosperous and safe Nepal resulting out of economic prosperity coupled with our true natural.

All leaders, King, Army chief, police chief please tell us now when will we become prosperous, free from poverty and fear of terrorist attack? Allow us to go on a mission to penetrate the minds of the extremists and bring about unity of minds." These children represent the 12 million strong youth of the nation. The questions of the students…

"Oh Almighty, create thoughts and actions in the minds of the people of my nation, so that they live united.Light the minds of the religious leaders of my country to evolve a bridgeamong religions with compassion and love.Embed the thought 'Nation is bigger than the individual or party' in the minds of the leaders. May God, bless all of us to work and transform the country into a prosperous nation in a decade."
Great Movement and Inspiration of people

During these 15 years time, all we want to see is a prosperous nation. People are frustrated and longing for a complete peace. A total peace and to work for modern Nepal. It is enough, it is too much so we need all to unite to work for a better future of the new generation. People do not want anymore strikes and violence .
This mass movement shows the unity and desire of peace and prosperity of the nation.
Our Strengths
For Nepal to become a developed nation, we must give thrust to the Nation's core competencies. The GDP has to grow annually by 8 to 10% with consistency over years instead of the current 1/2%. This year, it is reassuring that our economy in three sectors - agriculture, manufacturing and service are in the ascent phase. If we put united efforts to keep up the momentum we can reach 10% growth rate in about a year. We should ensure that the benefits of this growth should reach the economically weaker sections of the society.

We should reinforce our gains in the agriculture, power, ICT, industrial and education sectors, and defence technologies, chemical, pharmaceutical and infrastructural industries, oil exploration and refining, and more importantly on the critical technologies.

When we are consolidating our strengths, we should develop increased safety consciousness to prevent loss of valuable human and material resources in road, air, power, industrial and other accidents. The relief mechanisms have to reach the accident sites at right time.

The core competencies, resources and safety consciousness should be the basis on which the country can embark on a national mission for transformation

Vision to Mission
We need to evolve and develop specific integrated missions sector-wise to take the country forward on the path to self-sustaining development. These missions will provide the thrust for the realization of developed Nepal in a time bound manner. They will also provide large scale employment opportunity for the youth through creation of various types of industries and enhancement of the national infrastructure. I would like to discuss five specific missions:
Tourism
With vast civilisation heritage of the country, from the Himalayas to Terai Region, Lakes, Hilly mountains, rivers, floura and fauna , landscapes, cultures, traditions, temples, history have a lot to attract the tourists. If you visit to almost all the regions of the country, You will realise that the tourism industry has a tremendous potential for wealth generation and should operate as our fifth mission with higher targets. To succeed in this mission the infrastructural requirements are very essential and are to be improved. Thrust is required to be given for the inland water navigation, hotels, communication and tourist promotion. If we promote sustainable tourism, it will become Nepal's core competence.

These mission areas need action and will provide the multiplier effect and give the necessary momentum to all sectors of the economy.
Enhancing the village life
If you visit to rural areas in most of the country sides, you see that hard earned money of the rural people, instead of being deployed for the education of the children and environmental improvements including their habitat, was being wasted in undesirable practices like alcoholism and other addictions. In certain villages you see that the ratio of male and female was not proportionate. These prompted to evolve a declaration in consultation with the rural population for administering it to the village citizens. They participated in it with enthusiasm. The oath for enhancing the village life is as follows:

Children are our precious wealth, We will give equal importance for male and female children in providing education and rights for growth of our society.
Earnings come out of hard work. We will not waste it in gambling and liquor. We will become the role models for our children, We need to tell our children about the importance of education as learning gives knowledge and knowledge makes the children succeed.
We need to jointly protect our forest and prevent pollution? We will plant at least five trees/saplings.

It is essential that, the reputed leaders and social workers while visiting the rural areas can administer this oath in a similar way. Social workers, women self-help groups and non-governmental organisations have to take up this task as a mission. For Nepal to develop we need vibrant villages.
Networking of Rivers
Next mission on the Networking of Rivers should be the most under active consideration of the new Government and from the task team evolving the plan of action; we must move on to a mission mode programme including the ecological enhancement plan for executing the project. This mission will eliminate the periodical problem of floods experienced in a number of rivers in Terai and hilly parts and provide both water and power security. In addition nation has to embark on water harvesting and desalination of sea water as national missions. We should not forget that we are the second rich country in the world in water resources. We should not depend on India to buy Electricity.
Availability of high quality uninterrupted power should be ensured at an affordable price, which is key to economic growth. This is our second mission. The existing capacity of about 240 ( ??) thousand Megawatts would need tripling by the year 2020. To achieve it, apart from Bhote kosi, Marsangdi, and so many and nuclear power systems, we need to give thrust on sustainable energy resources like biomass, wind and solar farms of 800 to 1000 MW capacity and efficient transmission and distribution……

Providing Urban amenities in Rural Area (PURA)
Providing urban facilities to rural areas is another important mission about which the new Government has to do soon. In the long term interest, it is necessary for us to make the living in the villages attractive proposition for our people by reinforcing the rural habitat and providing modern economic linkages. To achieve this, economically viable cluster of villages have to be created through a mission mode programme into physical, electronic, and knowledge connectivity’s, leading to the self sustained economic prosperity for the groups of villages. It is essential that PURA has to become a business proposition to be run by small scale industrialists, entrepreneurs, and societal establishments.
Information and Communication Technology (ICT)
Mission of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) and related services is one of the wealth generators for the nation. We should aspire to increase the business volume by 30-40 times in ten years duration. The benefit of ICT must reach all parts of the country through telemedicine, tele-education and e-governance. We have to embark on creating ICT infrastructure and developing knowledge products to promote selective self reliance in the ICT Sector and thus achieving a competitive edge globally. We can run business taking global markets through ICT. As we know the Europe, UK, USA are totally depend on India in IT we can progress as such in Nepal too if we take action to develop in ICT.

Challenges
Divisive forces use terrorism as a tool in the name of ethnic groupism, religious fundamentalism and sometimes political ambitions as a rationale for terrorism leading to conflicts among the nations. People are used as war tools. Within the next FEW YEARS, we will encounter a totally new situation of acute shortages of water, energy and minerals. Noone will be able to handle the situation by itself. Humanity will require mega missions for harnessing solar energy, drinking water from river water through desalination process and bringing minerals from other soruces. In such a situation, the present reasons for conflict will become insignificant and unwarranted. We need to call upon the neighbouring countries to see this perspective and have a bigger vision. Nepal will definitely take a significant peace initiative with all parties, ethnics, religious groups, so called Maoists.
We do not have a second to waste for the proper of Nepal. We have so many challenges ahead. Every single Nepali has to rebuild this nation. We need to see the example of Japan after the world war. We got be united for the self interest of the nation. We need to scarify our self interest and egoism for the future generation
We all have to work every second for next 2 decades to see Nepal a developed nation. It is not the time to fight each other for power struggle. This struggle should not be resulted two get post in one party to another.
This movement should not be resulted to get jobs, contracts, and Pajeroo to your allies people of the party. No one should think that when your party will be in Government and you will have a dream life ….

This is day to think for our future generation to imagine a prosper Modern Nepal !
With thought Of Nepal
ALSON Nepal

( sources nepalnews.com) :What is messy about the mass movement 2006? (Special to Nepalnews)
The agitating parties are only relying on the slogans of the liquid masses on the street to press upon the King. They need to understand that there is a change in the balance of power

By Dr Bipin Adhikari

A columnist of Nepal National Weekly magazine recently described two op-ed contributing sociologists of the Himal Khabar Patrika as 'coward' for their reconciliatory overtones in the movement against the executive monarchy. An advocate of republican Nepal, the columnist thought people who feel otherwise are pursuing the campaign to minimise the aspiration of the Nepali people.

Unlike many other revolutionaries, these sociologists emphasized the utility of re-conciliation between King Gyanendra and democratic forces, despite the current vicissitudes, and the need for the king to revert back to democratic system in the interest of the country and its smooth transition from the ongoing conflict.

A Culture of Violence

A culture of violence enforced by both the government and the Maoist opposition is about to eliminate the democratic centre of Nepal, and the conscience of the Nepali people is increasingly becoming hostage to the extremist dispensations.

The problem of institutionalization of democracy and empowerment of the people goes far beyond the issue of the restoration of the parliament, the elections to the constituent assembly, and drawing up of a new constitution acceptable to all. If some opinion makers think everything will be fine after the ongoing movement achieve these milestones, or the King is dethroned, or the Maoists are mainstreamed and power is handed over to the legitimate representatives of the people, they are not objective, and if the history of the world is any evidence, revolutions have frequently been successful to destroy the status quo, but not always to create and sustain a viable alternative regime. The later issue demands proper planning and clearly thought out strategies. An extremist culture based on violent parameters is, therefore, never helpful.

Change in Focus



His Majesty King Gyanendra (File photo)

There is logic in the ongoing movement for the restoration of multiparty democracy. The continued denial of the King to handover power to the political parties, and help create an atmosphere to salvage democracy from the Maoist threat, was no doubt a crucial subject. But the logic alone does not answer all the questions that a credible movement might need to build on.

The movement started with the objective of restoring democracy, but now with the increasing tide of people, and surprisingly outstanding hits, the focus has been shifted to toppling monarchy straight away (than achieving the declared demands of the movement).

At this stage, the talk of toppling monarchy just appears either childish or lunatic. But assuming that it is possible for some reason, as of today, the nation is devoid of any non-state home-grown machinery to immediately fill up the vacuum in case the King quits the country, abdicates his throne or is toppled anyway. Unless the intention is to allow an alien force to fit in the vacuum anyway, thereby creating a new ruler, the seven parties are not yet prepared for disastrous changes.

Nevertheless, the slogans on the streets have changed. The tendency of the mass to target the palace physically been frequently reported. This means more violent clashes, further bloodsheds and infiltration of armed Maoists in the peaceful movement. The politicians have not explained how they are going to protect the demonstrators from the wrath of the security forces.

As yet, the mass movement does not have an all-accepted leader, and the capacity of the seven-party coordinating body to monitor the movement and give it a political direction where needed seems to be frighteningly controversial. Movements are never eternal. They have a life cycle. Once created, they grow, they achieve successes or failures and eventually, they dissolve and cease to exist. The role of the leadership in mobilising this process to achieve the political is very crucial. The seven-party decision of April 22 to continue with the mass movement was taken simply because of the fear of the swelling mass, rather than any other thing. Thus, the perils of the upsurge are clear. What is not clear is how the politicians are going to revert back should they feel the need for it.

Tackling the King

By this time, the king must have realised that he took a lot of time to take the right decision in harnessing new political relationship with the representative institutions. Whether October 4 or February 1, his approach to the problems of governance has been too simplistic, and often charged up with his personal ambitions.




Even from a purely selfish standpoint, the King should have tried to improve his approach faster than what has been the counter speed of the parties which had started to polarise. Improving oneself is a lot more gainful than trying to improve others. As such, at the end of the rat race one is still a rat.

Moreover, the King underscored the importance of prior consultation with the parties before making his offer public. While there are still many people who want the King to stay in a democratic set up, there is much change in their expectations from the monarchy due to the strength of education (the wider dissemination of political literature, the increased mobility of labour due to the increasing economic activities and urbanization, the freedom of expression, economic independence, and the unprecedented number and scope of various contemporary political and social movements.)

The result is, therefore, right before him. Although he has finally agreed to turn the reins of government over to a prime minister chosen by the country's main political parties, he has not been able to find receptive audience for him. Many politicians consider his offer too little and too late. Now they want more - the fulfilment of the two principal demands of the seven agitating parties and those who have poured out onto the streets for the last three weeks - the demand for the restoration of the latest parliament and elections to a constituent assembly to frame a new constitution in due course. The first demand hits the ego of the King, and the second hits his future.

The agitating parties are only relying on the slogans of the liquid masses on the street to press upon the King. They need to understand that there is a change in the balance of power, but they are doing very little behind the curtain to negotiate what is possible in the new context.

Positive Visions

So far the movement is still building on the hatred against the King without offering positive visions to the King and the people about the restored House of Representatives, the functions of an interim government, and how they intend to pursue the elections to the constituent assembly in the best interest of the Nepali people. There is no vision of what the seven parties believe to be an alternative constitutional system.

Ideas about how the transition might work vary considerably, especially with respect to the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA), the Nepal Police, the functioning bureaucracy, and other interim arrangements. As soon as the King is out of the scene, the challenge of dealing with the RNA will not be that easy.

There is also disagreement about how a constituent assembly might be brought about as a result of the unique opinions of the Maoists who are theorizing them within their broad Maoist genres. It is inconceivable that the political parties who have always lost with the Maoists, whether in the government or outside, and are conducting the mass movement with "borrowed hands" can strike out a constitutional image of their own.

Harsh facts

Whether the King runs the show, or the Maoists or the seven parties, Nepal will continue to remain the roof of the world, and its geopolitical realities will not change simply by shifting its status to a republican state.
Real democratic commitment is the function of the quality of relationships. If the King is to be thrown out because of his irresponsible exercise of power, there is absolutely no reason why the politicians who ruled (or misruled) this country with corruption, mismanagement and injustice during these awful years should be exempted from the same process. The Maoists, of course, are the principal assailant on the infant democracy, which had barely started to crawl. This holier-than-thou attitude does not serve the movement any more. The challenge is to recognise the weaknesses and leave them behind.

Free rider problem

Whether the King runs the show, or the Maoists or the seven parties, Nepal will continue to remain the roof of the world, and its geopolitical realities will not change simply by shifting its status to a republican state. Every movement in the past has cost the nation dearly. Sceptics can start counting what has Nepal lost since October 2002, and the list can surprise many. This is the harsh geo-political phenomenon. You solve one and the other will come up. In this environment, the idea of a pure movement is just as illusory as the idea of an autonomous political process.

As the political parties are not clear about the specifics in the context of the three dimensions of power including decision-making, agenda-setting, and preference-shaping there is always a danger of outsiders reaping the benefits after their hard work. The general public may not be aware of what decisions are actually in their interest due to the power of invisible forces who work to distort their perceptions.

Conclusion

If there is any approach which has never proved wrong, it is the national reconciliation among all political stakeholders. With this approach, the great excitement of the future is that we can shape it, and all demands of the movement can be quickly realized. What the seven-party leaders need to do is to create not just a vision, as suggested above, but a vision with a meaning.

The country can be reinvented by developing a sense of connectedness among all political units, a sense of working together as part of a system, where each part of the system is affecting and is being affected by others, and where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. For this the King is as much necessary as the other political forces.

let's united ..

The king has stated that he is reinstating the parliament in accordance with the "margachitra" (roadmap) of the agitating parties? FYI, the roadmap also supported by the Maoists contains these things: reinstatement of parliament, a new government of the political parties, dialogue with the Maoists/a roundtable, and election to the constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. The new constitution should decide the role of the monarch and the armed forces.
I think it is time to celebrate with guarded optimism. It's not enough. Some leaders are likely to be tempted by the short-term benefits and forget the sacrifice and aspirations of the people. The civil soceity, professional organizations, and the meadia should keep a close watch on the activities of the parliament and goverment and force them to act according to the aspirations of this movement. The leaders should also ask the people to stay alert, and so should they in case these leaders get busy with corruption and nepotism, again.
BEWARE

ENDGAME IN NEPAL
- Outdated calculations and manipulations may work no more
Deb Mukharji
The author is former ambassador to Nepal


Power to the people
The seven-party alliance in Nepal has done well so far to hold fast to its demands with continued rejection of the ‘offer’ from King Gyanendra to transfer executive power to a prime minister of the parties’ choice. Seemingly reasonable, the offer is without substance and clearly aimed merely at overcoming the present upsurge across Nepal. As we look at the future, some of the issues involved need simple, almost catechistic, elucidation.

There have been two royal coups in Nepal in the last few years. The first on October 4, 2002 did away with parliament and, while all authority was vested in the king, prime ministers and cabinets were appointees, to be changed frequently and at will. There was no perceptible improvement in any of the internal parameters in Nepal after 2002. The Maobadis grew in numbers and the territory under their control increased while Nepali and international human rights organizations increasingly accused the Royal Nepalese Army of targeting civilians. Those killed in the violence in Nepal in the past decade number 13,000. Translated in terms of the population of India, this would be 200 killings a day, two-thirds by the army.

As the king discarded every single one of his advisers who would offer rational advice and surrounded himself with courtiers known for their obsequiousness, as violence remained unabated in the country, as tourismplummeted and economic activity slowed down while the palace imported fleets of exotic cars, public discontent grew. Deciding that he had not been firm enough, King Gyanendra carried out his second coup on February 1, 2005. Pretences were done away with and the king became the CEO of Nepal. His leading assistants became loyal and elderly gentlemen who had run the panchayati raj for King Mahendra in the Sixties. The king’s road map for the future were local body elections in 2006 (which were boycotted by all significant political parties) and parliamentary elections in 2007 to bring back the controlled democracy of the Sixties. The second coup with its blatant rejection of any democratic process was opposed by the international community. Internally, Nepal has been at an increased level of turmoil since February, 2005.

India had been quick to react to the February coup, and it was one of the reasons for which the prime minister, Manmohan Singh, declined to attend the Dhaka SAARC summit a few days later. In the days that followed, conflicting signals emerged from India with the feudocracy, army and defence minister advocating business as usual. Eventually, wiser sense prevailed and India remained consistent in its stand that full democracy should return to Nepal. Later, by all accounts and inferences, India facilitated a dialogue between the Maobadis and the political parties. Agreements between the two were reached in November, 2005 and March, 2006. Besides agreeing on the future course of action to revive democracy and move towards a constituent assembly, the agreements also held out hopes for a return of Maobadis tomulti-party democracy.

The current phase of the turmoil in Nepal started with the four-day strike call from April 6 by the political parties. This was met by the administration with curfews and police violence on demonstrators. The international community has asked the administration to refrain from undue use of force (which has already taken several lives) and there are suggestions that those found responsible will be debarred from United Nations peacekeeping duties, a lucrative outlet. With lakhs of people in Kathmandu and across the country defying the government, King Gyanendra asked the political parties on April 21 to suggest for his consideration a prime minister of their choice to whom the executive authority of the state would be granted. In short, it was an offer to return to the regime after the first coup of October, 2002. The new prime minister would serve, as before, entirely at the king’s pleasure, without the legitimacy or support of parliament. The king was merely undoing the second coup. There was silence on the minimum demand of a revived parliament which could take the necessary steps for a constituent assembly and negotiate peace with the Maobadis. The king’s offer came a day after the curtailed visit of the Indian prime minister’s envoy, Karan Singh.

The Indian establishment, which had held a steady course on Nepal over the past months, suddenly faltered. Karan Singh’s status and ability notwithstanding, it is not clear that a member of a former Indian royal family should have been entrusted with the task of carrying the prime minister’s message. It could be portrayed by India’s detractors as a subtle message of support to the king at a difficult hour. A general would surely not be sent for discussions with a neighbourhood general who has indulged in a coup. A graver error was the hasty welcome of the royal proclamation of April 21, by the ministry of external affairs and the prime minister’s envoy without, quite evidently, studying the substance of the king’s offer. Manmohan Singh’s reference in his on-board-aircraft comments to journalists to the king’s move being in the right direction must be interpreted to mean that the king would now proceed further and undo his first coup of 2002. Unfortunately, however, fires cannot be put out in segments. The emphasis, by the prime minister and others, on the twin pillars of Nepali polity, the constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy, not heard of in recent months, has also to be moderated by the foreign secretary’s comment, appreciated by the civil society of Nepal, that this position was only a reflection of what the Nepali people felt. Indian views would always go by Nepali sentiments as they evolved in this and other matters.

The coming days will be difficult for Nepal. It is a time when the wisest heads of the country have to chart a course and avoid the shoals. Regrettably, many of them remain incarcerated even as the king swears by his commitment to democracy. Two major issues await resolution. One is a fresh look at the 1990 constitution by a constituent assembly. The framers of the constitution were not careful enough and clauses have been used by the palace both with regard to the deployment of the army as also the invocation of absolute authority, which go against the grain of a democratic framework. The other issue is a negotiated settlement with the Maobadis to bring peace to Nepal.

From a strictly Indian point of view, the palace has consistently played a negative role over the past 45 years and the equation of Nepali nationalism with anti-Indianism was born at Narayanhiti. There is not the slightest reason for India to promote the interests of the palace. Given also the disdain in which the palace is held by the Nepali people today, we cannot expect it to be a moderating influence in the days to come, were that to be part of any calculation.

The Indians may be understandably concerned at the establishment of the Maobadis in Nepal, but these concerns should not be tinged with paranoia.The fact also is that they are a reality and there is zero possibility of solving the problem militarily, unless, of course, the countryside is denuded of population by death or exile. It may be in the interests of some to perpetuate the conflict for their own perpetuation, but that is hardly in the interests of Nepal, or India. The recent negotiations between the political parties and the Maobadis do offer a way out and need urgently to be pursued.

Perhaps the most significant message emerging out of the past fortnight is that people of all classes have thronged the streets. Their numbers and enthusiasm far exceed any expectation of the political parties. Wives of soldiers have joined the movement, discharging their duty to their nation as their husbands carry out theirs. The spontaneous movement has achieved more in a fortnight than the Maobadis in their 10 years of insurgency, and serves as a warning that outdated calculations of manipulation may work no more. It is important to take cognizance of the emerging reality with respect and neither scepticism nor apprehension, as the Nepali people fulfil their destiny.

Why the world is watching Nepal
By Paul Reynolds
World Affairs correspondent, BBC News website



Tourists hoping to visit a mountain Shangri-La have been surprised
While it would be an exaggeration to say that Nepal occupies a strategic position in the world - isolated as it is in the Himalayas - its future is being watched closely.

Partly this is for sentimental reasons. The kingdom used to be the destination of choice for thousands of Western hippies who thought of it as a mountain Shangri-la.


So there is a great interest in the West to see how that quiet and peaceful place (perhaps not so quiet underneath) has developed into a scene of civil war, repression, riot and uprising.

It is the government of India that is the most concerned. India itself has considerable problems with Maoist rebels



One sidebar from that time was that the one-time guru of the Beatles, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, once propagated his vision of saving the world by "Transcendental Meditation" in Nepal, though it appears that he might simply have sent videotapes before it had television.

Not that the Yogi's message worked. But then the 1960s and their message of flower power are a long time ago. The world has moved on in more violent ways, and Nepal is a part of that movement.

Then there is the Everest trek that keeps Nepal in a wider public eye. Currently teams of climbers are preparing for their attempts on the summit during the calm weather period between now and the end of May. They have largely escaped the recent troubles, although two climbers were injured last November when Maoist rebels attacked their vehicle on its way to base camp.

And there is the added factor in Britain because Nepal is home to the Gurkha fighters who serve in the British army.

Indian fears

But beyond these attachments to Nepal are more serious considerations.



The main one is whether the end of monarchical power as exercised by King Gyanendra develops into democratic politics of some kind, or whether the Maoist rebellion spreads from the countryside to the cities and takes control.

It is the government of India that is the most concerned.

India itself has considerable problems with Maoist rebels. Rebels are active in several states - Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar.

Some of these places are a long way from the modern image of India as the growing regional and world power, whose development is spurred by high technology.

The rebellions are fuelled by issues of land and poverty and India does not want the example of a Maoist Nepal to encourage further protests.

India sent an envoy to talk to King Gyanendra, but its intervention has been criticised by the Indian opposition BJP party as "too little and too late".

The BJP president Dr Rajnath Singh said that India should exert pressure to ensure that Maoists are not given positions of influence in Nepal. He wants a renewed effort to crush the Maoist rebellion.

India fears that there are links between Maoists in Nepal and their fellow fighters in India.

"India is concerned about having a failed state at the end of the road to its north, and bordering on its own unstable state of Bihar" said Barney Smith, a former British ambassador in Nepal, "but its influence there is limited."

And China is watching as well. "China does not support the homegrown Maoists of Nepal," said Barney Smith, "and does not want a destablisation to the south of Tibet."

Past failures

Perhaps for too long, the world averted its eyes from the reality of Nepal, distracted by its Shangri-La image.

It should have shown how modern ideas of democracy and development - as opposed to the communal policies urged by the Maoists - could work.

But Nepal did not manage to address the problems presented by its 28 million people, many of them clinging to a precarious existence on the crowded slopes of the Himalayas.


The monarchy and politicians have clashed for years and their failures led to the start of the "people's war" by Maoists in 1996.

Much now depends on whether some political deal can be put together and on how the army, which normally sides with the King, reacts.

It is still not clear how the power struggle between the trio of monarchy, democrats and rebels will be decided.

Bhutan contrasts

I visited both Nepal and another Himalayan kingdom, Bhutan, in 1997 and the difference was stark. A lot had to do with the number of people. Bhutan was almost empty.

It had little traffic (and all cars were tracked by officials at road junctions) and no traffic lights, the only pair, in the capital, having been removed as unnecessary.

The king controlled everything and, at that time, there was not even television. The Indians had built roads south the north through the mountains to be able to reinforce in case of trouble from China but the place was placid.

Nepal was already beginning to seethe. From the air, one could see that every inch of useable mountainside had been terraced and cultivated. But there just was not enough room for the people to make a decent living and the government was unable to lift them out of their plight. The rest followed.