One book I have and which I hope to read for pleasure in coming days is Anne Applebaum's Pulitzer-prize winning tome: "Gulag : A History."
According to a blurb, The book presents a "first fully documented history of the gulag . . . describes how, largely under Stalin's watch, a regulated, centralized system of prison labor-unprecedented in scope-gradually arose out of the chaos of the Russian Revolution killing up to 30 million people."
Meantime, Baburam and others in Nepal swear by the Stalinist model for everything -- from how to run their party meetings to how to run the economy.
http://www.nepalitimes.com/issue230/fromthenepalipress.htm
oohi
ashu
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Baburam writes
Letter from Baburam Bhattarai in Samaya, a Nepali newsweekly, 7 January
LETTER FROM BABURAM: In the short time that Samaya took to establish itself, one of its pieces, ?Gadari ko Lahar? (Trail of betrayal) caught my attention. I am not in a position to state how far the facts in the article are true or false.
Since Lenin?s time, communist parties have followed the tradition of forbidding comrades from making internal discussions public. Until the 10th Convention of Russian Communist Party in 1921 Lenin allowed party factions to disseminate information on their own. But after that the party only put out an agreed line. Under Stalin, a strong tradition developed in which no cadre was in a position to air party differences in public. That tradition has carried on to this day in communist parties.
As a party member, I am not in a position to express any opinion in public. But it gives every right and responsibility to defend in public false things written about me. The Samay piece says: ?Most senior (Maoist) activists who surrendered were those on Bhattarai?s side.? I don?t think anyone who has known me closely during my 27 years of political life and 24 years in the Communist Party would characterise me as a leader of surrenderees.
Noone except those who join a revolutionary movement out of rage or emotion ever quit. Those who deeply understand the meaning of revolution and translate those values into their purpose in life will ever be lured away. Such individuals will be communists all their lives. It makes no sense associating me with those who have quit the party. It has become a routine task for the royal army to assassinate my character.
The royalists have been especially hard on me since my writeup about the palace massacre. I know the royalists were unable to digest my presence during the last peace talks. But what I don?t understand is how eminent journalists are unable to report facts. I urge journalists not to deal such serious issues with frivolity but to employ their pens on the behalf of truth.
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Yubaraj Ghimire responds in Samay, 13 January
In Baburam Bhattarai?s letter, one can see original thinking on the differences between principle and practical matters, the existence of minority and defeated factions in the present conditions and the practice of Janabaad within the CPN Maoist.
What is important is the fact that Prachanda, the party?s chairman allowed the letter to be published. Bhattarai, right now is not a thinker, he has become Comrade Laldhoj because of his commitment to communist philosophy and tradition. That is why he is not a leader now but a follower.
After his line was defeated or fell into the minority during the plenum four months ago, he gave himself up to the majority?s decision?the campaign for military offensives and a strategic offensive. So what is Bhattarai?s line and how is it different from Comrade Badal?s line? Logically, Bhattarai would have been for ending the conflict through effective talks. If the Maoists? present majority line does not produce desired results by March, the party may go back to the minority line. But this presupposes that hardliners in the party leadership show the same patience and character that Bhattarai has since the plenum.
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